Scott Rechler (Harvard FAS '03) is currently working in Temuco, Chile with the non-governmental organization Gente Expresa, on a Trustman Fellowship administered by Harvard's Office of Career Services. Scott wrote his social anthropology senior thesis on 'social entrepreneurship, social capital, and social change in southern Chile.' For more on these topics, please e-mail him. He thanks Jennifer Mygatt (Dartmouth College '04) and Sarah Beller (FAS '03) for help with this article. Teresa Licanleo is one of 60 participants in Comunidades Emprendedoras, an initiative of Gente Expresa, aimed at helping grassroots leaders develop their leadership, social entrepreneurial and collaborative capacities.

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For more on Gente Expresa, please visit or e-mail. Casa Ritoque. Photo by Alejandro Barruel Integration and Exclusion By Gonzalo de la Maza On the 30th anniversary of the coup in 2003, Chile also celebrated two decades of practically uninterrupted economic growth and 15 years of peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy. The last two processes differentiate Chile in a positive sense from many of its neighbors in Latin America and in a certain way is an unexpected result of the struggle for democracy in the 1980s. Even those post-1990 new democratic authorities who did not believe in the neoliberal economic model imposed during the military dictatorship continued and deepened it—with certain variations. This has resulted in good macroeconomic results.

More than a decade of growing beyond historical rates, followed by another period in which Chile surpassed most of Latin America, which has been severely punished by different economic crises. In the political arena, on the other hand, after 15 years of democracy, the anti-democratic 1980 political constitution imposed by Pinochet is still in effect. Cara membuat antena kaleng wifi usb. Many of the institutions built up by him are still operating. Since 1990, active social policies have helped to reduce Chile's rate of absolute poverty in contrast with the rest of the continent. In spite economic growth, political stability and a overall improvement in income levels, an effective strengthening of civil society—greatly weakened by 17 years of dictatorship—is still lacking.

Indeed, inequality of opportunities among social groups is more entrenched and various types of social disintegration are on the rise. Political participation, as well as democratic commitment, has declined considerably since the first years of transitional governments. The road of 'modernization' agreed upon by economic and political elites at the end of the 1980s did not look at the shaping of society as a goal. Rather, it focused on economic growth, institutional political 'normalization' and so-called 'payment of social debt.' The goal was to try to maintain the conditions of economic growth and to add on a more active social policy. Naturally, that could not change the basic course of the productive structure. Therefore, the transition's relevant social achievements could not be translated into stable integration and social participation.

The situation described above permits a rereading of the post-dictatorship period. The majority of the population had been objectively and subjectively excluded because of unemployment, repression and poverty before then.

In the post-dictatorship period, the majority of the people were summoned to a new kind of inclusion through consumerism and institutional democratic participation. But actual economic inclusion has been precarious, partial and profoundly unequal. In the political realm, the limitations of the transition, the reduced role of the state and 'authoritarian enclaves' impede significant changes and real participation. Citizens experience insecurity, the sensation of a powerlessness, fear and lack of control over their own lives. The public sphere is weakened because of a perception of 'the lack of recognition and representation of public institutions, especially those charged with creating ties for the related with modern citizenship', as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) pointed out in its 1998 Report on Human Development.

PARTIAL INTEGRATION IN MODERNIZATION A LA CHILENA Social policies, including higher wages and minimum pensions, as well as low levels of unemployment until 1998, contributed to an increase in Chileans' income during the 1990s. Yet inequality of opportunities increased during this period. Workdays became longer and Chilean families found themselves deeper in debt. Inequality has gone hand in hand with economic modernization, creating a social fissure that is now having political consequences. In 1990, 38.6% of the population received monthly income below poverty level. In the year 2000, the number had declined to 20.6%, some three million Chileans, according to the Poll on Socio-Economic Characteristics. Yet even this positive showing has not reached the level of 30 years ago, when in 1973, only 17% of the population was below poverty level.